Category Archives: Corporate Ownership

Different forms of ownership, public limited company, co-operatiuves and various forms of co-ownership.

The Importance of Agency in ‘The Rise and Fall of Management’

‘The Rise and Fall of Management’ highlights some issues as of particular importance to the current situation. For instance, the universal adoption of agency theory. Agency is a legal relationship where the agent acts on behalf of the principal who is bound by the agent’s actions, and the agent is bound to act, in his or her professional capacity, in the principal’s best interests. So much is not in doubt. Moreover, early examples of this legal relationship related to the commercial world, as in the old overseas trading companies where the ship’s captain acted as the agent of the ship’s owners. That origin too is not questioned.

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The Politicisation of Industry

Keynes recognised that the legislation protecting worker’s rights might lead to powerful trades unions, motivated by political ideals rather than the long term interests of their members, being the cause of wages led inflation damaging economic activity. His mistake was to argue that it was a political problem for governments, rather than a problem for economics. So no action was taken till the advent of the Thatcher government.

Today the boot is on the other foot. Free market fundamentalism is no less political than the unions were 30 years ago. The fervent ideological belief in private industry being good, public bad, regulation bad, and above all, the primacy of shareholder property rights and the purpose of industry being to maximise their value … all that is equally damaging to industry, perhaps even more so, than was unbridled union power.

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Corporate Criminality and the Free Market Philosophy

A key tenet of the free market philosophy, elegantly expressed by Milton Friedman, was that businesses should focus exclusively on maximising shareholder value and not allow other considerations, apart from compliance with the law, to intrude on their business activities. That’s what Friedman stood for. And that’s what governments over the past 30 years have lived by. And that’s what still protects big business from having to pay for its own excesses. The speculative banks, the oil companies, the private equity and hedge funds, all steal from the tax payer with the total impunity provided by Friedman’s malign theory. Occasionally, there’s a coincidence of events hitting the headlines together, shouting out the criminal injustice of what is allowed to go on. Today, it’s BP’s destruction in the Gulf of Mexico, the 25 year late convictions over Union Carbide’s poisoning of Bophal residents, and the revelation of multi-billion pound additional decommissioning costs of old UK nuclear power plants. Despite BP’s disastrous poisoning from the Deepwater Horizon well, the company remains much exercised over its next multi-billion pound dividend hand out to shareholders. Friedman still rules.

As always, it’s the average Joe tax payer, who pays the real price, while the exploiters laugh all the way to their tax haven based banks. But the law, for example the 2006 Companies Act, charges company directors with the duty to care for the best long term interests of their company, having regard to the interests of all its stakeholders, not just its shareholders. In fact this has been the case since mid-nineteenth century when limited liability was first established. But Friedman’s rule has become so ubiquitous that company directors have come to believe it is their legal duty to make as much money as possible for shareholders ignoring any other social responsibility.

There will be no change in practice – and criminal pollution will continue – till that simplistic theory is dead and buried and Friedman discredited along with it. Academics might seek an alternative theory with which to replace it, but that is not necessary. Economic theories tend always to be over simplified as they apply to the real world. Rather than a new theory, all that is necessary is to impose existing law such as the Companies Act. That would require directors to act in the best long term interests of their company and all its stakeholders, which the law lists as including employees, suppliers and others specifically including the local community and the environment. Company directors who transgress, as those at BP, Union Carbide, RBS etc, etc, etc, should immediately face the full force of the law.

Simplistic Economics

Economists, by whom we are all ruled (to quote Keynes), are themselves ruled by abstract theory, rather than by observation of anything which actually exists in the real world. They tend to focus on dichotomies defined by ideal types, such as socialism and capitalism, both easy to describe in their pure forms but non-existent in the real world. Or, another dichotomy: the means by which resources are allocated: central planning or market forces. In reality, resources are allocated by both means: some by market forces and some by planned decisions. The real world takes advantage of both means, but economists argue that there is a simple choice to be made between alternatives as the one best way.

Corporate governance is another simplistic dichotomy on which economics depends. Would companies be best controlled by shareholders or workers? Free market capitalists, including all the UK and US governments of the past thirty years, argue for investor control. That has seen many industries destroyed for the short term interests of their shareholders. Cadbury and Chloride are recent examples of UK companies threatened by this approach to governance. There have been few examples of successful worker controlled companies and there may be little reason to expect them to be more successful than those in investor control.

But the middle ground, where neither shareholders nor workers have absolute control, and where both share responsibility, may be more fertile for corporate success. Germany’s two tier board structure consolidates that joint responsibility and has served German manufacturing industries well. A pragmatic balance between the interests of stakeholders seems more likely to produce the best outcome for the company and therefore all its stakeholders. But it is less easy to make the case than the simplistic dichotomies of economic theory.

The Point about Profit

Profit is wilThe idea of profit has caused much aggravation over the years and even today is still the source of heated debate. Marx borrowed Ricardo’s idea that profit was no more than the wages earned by labour but stolen by the providers of capital. This explained the grossly unfair divergence between the poverty of the labouring classes and the wealth of the capital owners. The neo-classical economists argued that the purpose of industry was to maximise profits, referring not so much to the theft of wages but the surpluses to be earned from industrial and business activity. Latterly, the free market fundamentalists, to which all three of the main political parties are to some extent in thrall, have argued that maximisation should apply to shareholder wealth rather than profit. This then seems to confirm again the inequity first argued by Ricardo, consolidating the position of the owner over that of the employee.

Clearly, none of these theoreticians have really understood the vital role of profit in industry and business. Adam Smith argued the self interest of the butcher, baker etc as vital to the effectiveness of their businesses, because that was how they earned a living and supported their dependents. The survival and long term prosperity of the business was what mattered, profit being some measure of that ability to survive and prosper.

The idea of maximising profit is based on a misunderstanding of business realities, which are concerned with, as Peter Drucker put it, the ‘real risk of ending up with an impoverishing deficit, and the need, the absolute need, to avoid this loss by providing against the risks’. But providing against the risks is anathema to the free market fundamentalist. They regard any such provisions against risk, such as spare or underutilised assets, as evidence of inefficiency and therefore grounds for replacing the business management with one that will maximise shareholder wealth, and this is most easily achieved through the firm being taken over and often being broken up..

Whatever profit is argued to be, it is a necessity for the survival of any business. Its theft by shareholders, or any other stakeholder, only serves to destroy the real economy.

Protecting Real Economy Firms from Speculating Predators

A number of issues relevant to postings on these pages have been raised during the campaigning for the UK general election. For example, following Kraft’s acquisition of Cadbury, the Labour government proposes to raise the voting threshold for such deals from a simple majority to two thirds of shareholder votes and to exclude from voting any shares acquired since the bid was announced. This would at least slow down some such deals, but as the Liberal Democrats claim, would go nowhere near re-imposing a ‘public interest’ test which would give ministers the power to intervene in deals deemed to be against the public interest. Such a test was abandoned in 1992 with the support of both main parties. But public interest is a vague and inadequate hurdle for such deals, especially when likely British governments will claim the preservation of free and open markets is the prime public interest. So electrical supply company Chloride, and bus and train operator Arriva, the latest targets of foreign bidders, can expect little protection. Unlike, for example, their German counterparts, whose employee stakeholders have 50% representation on the supervisory board and would be able to provide some protection against bids which were against the long term interests of the company, as opposed to the short term interests of its shareholders. UK law requires directors should take the interests of all stakeholders into consideration, not just what the government of the day regards as the public interest.

Another issue that has caused some debate in the run up to the election is the Liberal Democrats’ proposal to again separate commercial banking from hedging and speculative activities, and to tax and regulate the latter differently from traditional banking. This would have the added benefit of breaking up some firms which are currently ‘too big to fail’. The two main parties are united in their objections to this approach, presumably for fear it would reduce London’s attractions as the world’s largest hedging base, and some might leave. However, hedge funds may find the United States even less comfortable. And most G20 nations are moving in that same direction. The days when ‘socially useless’ hedging enjoys total freedom may be numbered.

The Political Appeal of Co-ops and Mutuals

George Osborne announced the Conservatives proposal to mutualise and co-op the public sector, describing it as the ‘biggest social revolution since Thatcher sold council houses’. But their proposal just shows how little they understand the essence of those movements. Mutuals and co-ops operate within the for-profit sectors but instead of paying surpluses over to external shareholders they pay some to their members and accumulate the rest within the business. That’s the whole point. That was how the great mutual financial institutions and building societies got to be so big and so successful. The rape and destruction of so many, almost including the Co-op itself, was sanctioned and encouraged by the Thatcher government.

So how would mutuals and co-ops operate in the public sector with no surplus to distribute and accumulate? What would be the point? Well, George Osborne says, they would be able to work without the central controlling bureaucracy. So, was he saying there would be no central regulation or control? Well, not quite that, Osborne admitted, there would still have to be performance standards. So what did this social revolution amount to, other than confusion? Well, it was a reply to Gordon Brown’s earlier announcement that mutualism and co-ops would be at the centre of Labour’s election manifesto. But not a very convincing reply. No more convincing, in fact, than Brown’s own commitment. It would be rather better if politicians thought through their policies before deciding on the accompanying sound-bite.

The Conservatives' Commitment to Mutualism and Co-operatives

This space is not habitually given to expressing party political views, but occasionally it is unavoidable. Political parties inevitably, from time to time, address head on, topics which are of prime concern here. And sometimes their approach is either so right, or so wrong, that comment is necessary if these postings are not to appear totally disconnected from the real world. Today is such an occasion.

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Rape and Pillage or Co-operation

The announcement that Gordon Brown is to put mutualism and co-operatives, such as John Lewis Partnership, at the heart of Labour’s election manifesto is surely welcome after twelve years of the rape and pillage resulting from New Labour’s unquestioning support for free market deregulation and the maximising of shareholder wealth. But what does it mean? Is it just the sentimental swan-song of the Labour government? Or does it have substance as the foundation for real action?

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The Destruction of Accumulated Surpluses

The disposal of Cadbury is some kind of a marker. It was still a successful company and could have continued independently with no problem. It had a proud history which doesn’t need to be repeated here, but it also had a price. And that price was agreed by its board of directors who gained prodigiously from the sale. Cadbury’s loss of autonomy is surely the precursor of many cost reducing decisions taken at its new American headquarters without regard to the old Cadbury stakeholders, notably including its employees. Doubtless, in the end, Cadbury’s Bournville heritage will be preserved merely as yet another industrial museum, the dead remains of the once thriving industrial community. Such relics are strewn across the British landscape, commemorating our once pioneering roles in wool, cotton and silk textiles, machine tools, iron and steel, cycles, motor cycles, motor cars, trucks and buses, china and pottery and hundreds of other sectors where Britain was successful and achieved a strong position but then sold it off for the financial gain of the few and the bitter disadvantage of the many.

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